33 Jahre nach dem Kwangju-Massaker
Kwangju, 18. Mai 1980
Die Ereignisse vom 17.-27. Mai 1980 in der Stadt Kwangju werden als "uprising", Aufstand bezeichnet. Die Bezeichnungen haben immer wieder gewechselt, je nach der politischen Haltung des Sprechendes. Die Menschen in Kwangju reden eindeutig von "uprising". Der Besucher auf dem alten Friedhof findet gleich am Eingang eine große Tafel mit Namen von 65 Personen, darunter ein Kind von 5 Jahren, die seit den Tagen des Massakers verschunden sind. Auch 33 Jahre nach dem Massaker durch die Elitetruppen des damaligen Generals und späteren Präsidenten CHUN gibt es keine vollständige Aufklärung. Im Frühjahr 2013 wurde ein wichtiges Dokument, ein Augenzeugenbericht, gefunden, das Licht auf die Situation wirft. Wir haben die Erlaubnis zum Abdruck erhalten. (Die Redaktion)
May 23, 1980, PM 18:00
Dear Mr. Foreign Correspondent,
I beg you to read my rough sentences on the present crisis in Kwang-ju City. I am afraid you foreign reporters did miss the key scenes of the tragedy in our city. Are you reporting on us so vividly as on the situation such as in EL Salvador, Uganda, etc?
I am a female citizen of Kwang-ju City. Graduating from the S.N.U several years ago, I have been lecturing English at an institute these years. With this career, I am determined to run the risk that the martial law authorities may identify and arrest me. But please regard my safety.
First of all, I' d like to stress that none of my family have ever been harmed by the late President Park' s regime and his successor' s. Thus, believe in the truth and objectivity of my words , please. I am convinced you cannot help but believe me if it were for the so-called telepathy, the interworking of human hearts, although 1 cannot offer no material evidence here. Please believe in this letter to the letter!
The brutal deeds of the air paratroopers during May 18th, 19th, 20th were far greater than the authorities enumerate only to deny. On the morning of 19th, my father (professor) witnessed some of them to throw the wounded down to death from a two-story roof top in Chung-jang Street. At about same time, near Jo-hung Bank, my mother witnessed that a young demonstrator was battered on the head with the bat, with his cerebral tissue exposed. And these were the rather mild cases among their cruel actions. 1 wonder if any one had the courage to take the picture of the cruel scenes, as the atmosphere was so deathly. As they were so inhumanly brutal during the three days. We know no other way to interpret their deeds except that they had been on purpose brain-washed for a considerable time and starved for a few days, given only alcohol beverage and hallucinating medicine. 1 guess that the comments of elders, "There were no such cruelties as these even during the war in 1950." stirred the public sentiment deeply. We believe that the 'vampire units' (the paratroopers are now passing as the title) hid or burned away a lot of the dead bodies they killed.
Die Arbeiter in Fukushima Daiichi - Ein Aufruf
Energiepolitik - Atomkraft
The Asia-Pacific Journal, Vol. 11, Issue 16, April 22, 2013.
Zum Jahrestag der Tschernobylkatastrophe am 26. April 1986
An appeal for improving labour conditions of Fukushima Daiichi workers
Sumi Hasegawa with an introduction by Paul Jobin
Reacting to testimonies of workers published in Sekai (a progressive Japanese monthly journal) and recent radio broadcasts, this individual call from Canada echoes the requests of Japanese NGOs that have been engaged in negotiations with the Ministry of Health and Labor since April 2011 to defend the rights of the workers involved in the “cleanup” of the disaster-stricken Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant and of those hired to carry out “decontamination” work in Fukushima prefecture.1
If one considers the tremendous task remaining to be done in Fukushima Daiichi (such as the removal of the thousands of spent fuel rods) to avoid an apocalyptic scenario for Japan and the northern hemisphere,2 the workers employed at Fukushima Daiichi merit world attention and support. Their living and working conditions are indeed apocalyptic.
Besides the problems evoked in this call, another major issue emphasized by the Japanese NGOs is the lack of health insurance for most contract workers. Concerning radiation protection, the biggest problems are the following:
- The Ministry has decided to deny health follow-up checks to workers exposed to a cumulative dose below 50 mSv for external radiation exposure (only those above this dose will receive a one-year cancer test);
- TEPCO declared that there would be no records kept for internal radiation below 2 mSv;
- There is thus far no systematic dosimetry, nor have there been health follow-up checks for the people employed—mainly on a temporary basis—in the “decontamination” work on the various hot spots of Fukushima prefecture which the Citizen’s Nuclear Information Center’s Hideyuki Ban has called “displacing the contamination.”3
All of these issues require immediate attention and response from concerned citizens in Japan and internationally. Paul Jobin
Paul Jobin is Director, French Center for Research on Contemporary China, CEFC, Taipei Office, Associate Professor, University of Paris Diderot, and an Asia-Pacific Journal Associate.
Previous articles in Focus on the conditions and plight of Fukushima workers:
Anders Pape Møller and Timothy A. Mousseau, Uncomfortable Questions in the Wake of Nuclear Accidents at Fukushima and Chernobyl
Shoko Yoneyama, Life-world: Beyond Fukushima and Minamata
Iwata Wataru, Nadine Ribault and Thierry Ribault, Thyroid Cancer in Fukushima: Science Subverted in the Service of the State
Gabrielle Hecht, Nuclear Janitors: Contract Workers at the Fukushima Reactors and Beyond
Paul Jobin, Fukushima One Year On: Nuclear workers and citizens at risk
David McNeill, Crippled Fukushima Nuclear Power Plant at One Year: Back in the Disaster Zone
Cara O’Connell, Health and Safety Considerations: Fukushima Nuclear Power Plant Workers at Risk of Heat-Related Illness
Matthew Penney, Nuclear Workers and Fukushima Residents at Risk: Cancer Expert on the Fukushima Situation
ABE Shinzo, Prime Minister of Japan
TAMURA Norihisa, Minister of Health, Labor and Welfare, Japan
SHIMOKOBE Kazuhiko, Chairman of the Board of Directors, Tokyo Electric Power Co., Ltd. (TEPCO)
HIROSE Naomi, President, Tokyo Electric Power Co., Ltd.(TEPCO)
An Appeal to Improve Labor Conditions for Workers at the Fukushima Dai-ichi Nuclear Power Plant
Labor conditions for the workers employed to clean up after the accident at the Fukushima Dai-ichi Nuclear Power Plant operated by TEPCO have worsened considerably since the time of the accident; compensation has decreased, the housing situation has worsened, and more.This has been reported in at least three forums: first, on the radio programHôdô suru rajio Radio Broadcast News] broadcast on March 15, 2013, specifically in a segment called “Radio Broadcast News Brings You the True Story of the Two Years since the Nuclear Accident” (hereafter referred to as:Radio Broadcast News); second, a roundtable discussion published in the April 2013 issue of the journalSekaithat featured three workers at the nuclear plant, entitled “What is happening now at 1-F [an abbreviation for “Fukushima Dai-ichi”]?” (hereafter:Roundtable); and third, a report filed in the same issue ofSekaiby Fuse Yûjin titled “1-F Has Not Yet Been Restored” (hereafter:Report).These sources have publicized the issue in some detail, so in what follows, I would like to draw from these sources what I consider to be the main points of concern and my opinions on how to address them.
Fukushima - Two Years On
Energiepolitik - Atomkraft
The Asia-Pacific Journal, Vol. 11, Issue 12, March 25, 2013.
Fukushima - Two Years On
Mar. 25, 2013
Two years after the March 11 earthquake and tsunami triggered the planet’s worst’s nuclear disaster since Chernobyl, journalists are still often asked: is the crisis over? One plausible reply might be that it has just begun.
While the threat of another catastrophic release of radiation has receded, perhaps for good, the long, complex struggle to safely remove nuclear fuel from the reactor basements of the Fukushima Daiichi plant is still in its early stages. Reactors still seep radiation, although at a rate of 10 million Becquerel per hour for cesium versus about 800 trillion right after the disaster, according to Reuters. The level outside reactor 3 is 1,710 microsieverts an hour, enough to quickly induce radiation sickness. But radiation around the complex has fallen by about 40 percent in the last year, says operator Tokyo Electric Power Co. (TEPCO).
Plant manager Takahashi Takeshi has again predicted that safely dismantling the six-reactor facility will take up to 40 years. “Radiation levels at units one, two and three are very high and the cause of that is the fuel that has melted inside the reactors," he said during a rare media tour of the plant on March 6. "Radiation levels within the buildings are all very high, although the level at Unit 4 is lower.” He insisted that the ruined No. 4 reactor building, containing 1,530 highly toxic fuel rods, would withstand another earthquake, despite doomsday predictions by some.
He said the unit’s fuel cooling pool has been reinforced and could resist a quake equivalent to
the one that struck on March 11, 2011. Reporters were shown a huge steel structure under construction right next to Unit 4. Engineers explained it will eventually be fitted with a giant crane to lift out the spent fuel rods stored in the top of the Unit 4 building. Takahashi said the fuel removal would begin in November.
The twisted steel frame of Unit 3, now partially covered with huge gray steel panels, is still visible from the hydrogen explosion that ripped the building apart. Two large unmanned cranes stand next to the unit, clearing up the debris on the top floor, where some 500 spent fuel rods are kept in a pool. Another 6,300 fuel rods are stored in a common pool nearby.
Daiichi’s nuclear fuel is kept cool by thousands of gallons of water pumped every day which engineers are struggling to decontaminate. Over 930 water tanks, each holding 1000 tons, have mushroomed at the plant. Engineers said a single tank fills once every two and a half days. A huge structure with lines of Toshiba-designed filtering equipment labors to remove 62 different types of radioactive materials from the water. There is nowhere else for the water to go.
There are widespread reports of shortages of labor at the plant and in the surrounding areas. Reuters says that 70 percent of a sample of workers surveyed by TEPCO late last year made more than 837 yen per hour, roughly equivalent to the hourly remuneration at convenience stores in Japan. The news agency says that as of the end of December 2012, 146 TEPCO workers and 21 contract workers “had exceeded the maximum permissible exposure of 100 millisieverts in five years.”
Estimates of the cost of clearing up from the disaster keep rising. Some experts believe
compensation could double from its current estimates to 10 trillion yen. Not a single one of the approximately 160,000 nuclear refugees has been fully compensated for the loss of their property, land and income. The Japan Center for Economic Research, a Tokyo-based think tank, has estimated that decontamination costs alone in the Fukushima residential area could balloon to as much as $600 billion. TEPCO was nationalized in 2012 so much of the burden of paying for this will fall on the taxpayer.
Outside the plant, in the towns and villages that evacuated in March 2011, life has frozen in time. Police barricades prevent all but authorized people from entering the 20-km contaminated zone. The sea is still too contaminated to fish so hundreds of local fishermen are idle. Parents around Fukushima Prefecture, home to about two million people, face years of worry about the impact of the Daiichi plant’s payload on their children. In this Greenpeace-produced video, the victims of Fukushima express anger and bewilderment at their predicament, and at what the future holds.
Dr David McNeill is the Japan correspondent for The Chronicle of Higher Education and writes for The Independent and Irish Times newspapers. He covered the nuclear disaster for all three publications, has been to Fukushima ten times since 11 March 2011, and has written the book Strong in the Rain (with Lucy Birmingham) about the disasters. He is an Asia-Pacific Journal coordinator.
Mit freundlicher Erlaubnis von Japan Focus.
Fukushima: Einschätzung der Dreifach-Katastrophe
Fukushima Dreifach-Katastrophe März 2011
Fukushima: An Assessment of the Quake, Tsunami and Nuclear Meltdown
Mar. 25, 2013
3:11 – The What
It is just over two years since Japan’s quake, tsunami, and nuclear meltdown. It was Japan’s 3rd nuclear catastrophe, at level 7 highest on the scale and on a par with Chernobyl, although, unlike Hiroshima and Nagasaki, it was self-inflicted. The triple event left 20,000 dead, 315,000 refugees, and a devastated swathe of productive farm and fish country and its towns and villages that will take decades, at least, to recover.
Today, the Government of Japan tends to refer to the “Great East Japan Earthquake,” preferring to focus on the quake and tsunami rather than the meltdown, as if it were some inexplicable act of god. It talks of its policies for economic revival, reconstruction and crisis management, but little of the nuclear crisis.
The triple catastrophe is often referred to as “soteigai” (unimaginable) but we now know was not the case. The Diet committee that investigated the accident pointed out last year that the disaster was structural, man-made, brought about by the failings of the power company and of the national government. Even before Fukushima, the nuclear industry was known for data falsification and fabrication, the duping of safety inspectors, the belittling of risk and the failure to report criticality incidents and emergency shut-downs. Directly and indirectly, politicians, bureaucrats, industrialists, lawyers, media groups, academics also collaborated, constituting in sum the so-called “nuclear village.” “Japan’s nuclear industry became, as one critic put it, “a black hole of criminal malfeasance, incompetence, and corruption”
Path to Militarism
Japans Verfassung, Artikel 9
JAPAN'S PATH TO MILITARISM
By Global Article 9 Campaign
On December 16, key figure of Japan’s ideological conservative right Abe Shinzo was elected as Japan’s new Prime Minister. Elected on a nationalist platform, Abe won a landslide victory of the Liberal Democratic Party in the lower house of Parliament.
During his first tenure as Prime Minister in 2006-2007, Abe ardently pushed for the revision of war-renouncing Article 9 of Japan’s Constitution in the name of building a “strong Japan.” His track record includes overseeing the creation of the Ministry of Defense, advocating for the re-interpretation of Article 9 to expend the mandates of Self-Defense Forces’ missions and allow collective action. Back in power, Abe is determined to push his agenda forward.
New LDP’s draft constitution
Last April, before Abe returned to power, the LDP drafted a new constitution, with the changes it would like to see adopted as part of its broader agenda "to reclaim Japanese sovereignty" by getting rid of the current constitution, which, according to Abe, fails “to provide a necessary condition for an independent nation”.
Radiation and Fukushima's Future
Radiation and Fukushima's Future
May 01, 2012
Asia-Paciific Journal Feature
In the climate of fear and uncertainty concerning current levels of radioactive contamination in Fukushima Prefecture and their potential impact on public health, new government reports are indicating that these problems will remain serious ones for years.
Below are recent reports from Asahi and Jiji concerning the extent of contamination in Fukushima and the likely medium and long-term prognosis. Several areas of Fukushima will have high radiation levels for at least a decade and it will be 5 years or more before residents of the municipalities closest to Fukushia Daiichi will be able to consider returning to their homes. The Japanese government is deliberating buying the area around Fukushima Daiichi, including residential properties, and making it public land. The government’s Reconstruction Agency is also investigating whether or not evacuees are interested in returning at all. At this stage, serious decontamination efforts in the most effected zones have yet to begin.
No return to 7 areas near Fukushima plant for 5 years
April 23, 2012
Click here for the original
Bereft of decontamination work, residents will be unable to return home for at least five years in seven municipalities around the crippled Fukushima No. 1 nuclear plant, according to the government’s radiation projection charts.
Build Jeju-Okinawa Peace Solidarity
Für den 7. April 2012 war vereinbart, dass die hier wiedergegebene Erklärung der "Korea-Japan Peace Action to Stop the Establishment of Jeju Naval Base" in Gangyeong auf Chejudo veröffentlicht wird. Den japanischen Mitgliedern wurde am 6. April die Einreise verwehrt, sie wurden deportiert. Daraufhin wurde die Erklärung sowohl auf Chejudo als auch in Japan in getrennten Pressekonferenzen veröffentlicht.
Die Erklärung folgt, zuerst in Englisch, danach in Koreanisch und Japanisch.
English ( translation by Rebecca Kim) - http://cafe.daum.net/peacekj/I51g/304
Japanese - http://www7b.biglobe.ne.jp/~jeju/01kaisetu/20120413.html
Korean (국문) - http://cafe.daum.net/peacekj/RXi3/13
Statement to Protest the Establishment of Jeju Naval Base and Build Jeju-Okinawa Peace SolidarityTensions comparable to an under-siege and daily confrontations rise in Gangjeong Village where Jeju Naval Base is under construction. Even rudimentary protection of human rights and common sense became something hard to find. There is every reason why the current situation came to remind us of what happened on Jeju Island during the April 3rd Massacre of 1948.
There were numerous cases of human rights violation and deprivation in Okinawa during the US military occupation. When there was the US military administration in South Korea, the April 4th Massacre on Jeju Island took place. There were killings everywhere from Torabora to Helmand during the US military government in Afghanistan. A Faluza attack was operated during the US military occupation of Iraq. The US military administration field manual was first made in the occupied Italy and North Africa in the 1940s, completed in Okinawa, recycled in South Korea to be maintained until today. It is inevitable that large-scale killings are repeated before a general election to set up a pro-US government wherever the US militarily governs, since the process is from the US military administration manual. The historical wounds that Okinawa and Jeju Island have stem from the same perpetrator.
Depleted uranium munition was used in the Gulf War in 1990. There was a shooting accident where DU munition was used in Okinawa in 1995. There was an accidental bombing where DU was used in Yeoncheon in 1997. There was another DU-used accidental shooting in a US warship in Hawaii in 1998. And it turned out that in the US bases in Suwon, Cheongju, Osan in South Korea, and in Kadena Air Base in Okinawa, is being stored over 3 million DU bombs, the amount of which outnumbers three times that used in Iraq. US nuclear Tomahawk missiles aboard submarines use Jinhae in Korea as their port of call through Hawaii and the White Beach Naval Facility in Okinawa. It is obvious that those US ships would also be called to Jeju naval base once its construction is finished. All around the globe, the US bases are fraught with sexual assaults against civilians, cases of noise damage, and oil and other environmental contamination. The ongoing wounds in a state of constant aggravation in Okinawa and Jeju Island also have the same perpetrator.
The most decisive factor in the connection of Korea-Japan, Okinawa and Jeju Island